GSEF Series | ASEAN and the Global Supply Chain: An Analysis of Competitive Advantages in Logistics and Trade
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ASEAN and the Global Supply Chain: An Analysis of Competitive Advantages in Logistics and Trade
May 2025
India and GCC Deepen Economic and Strategic Ties
India and GCC Deepen Economic and Strategic Ties
Balaji Chandramohan
As India expands its politico-economic reach in the international system, especially in Asia’s geopolitics – it is looking for economic partners in the Gulf region as part of its aspirations. This will be welcomed by the countries in the region collectively, as they tend to recognize New Delhi’s credentials as a responsible power in the comity of nations. Institutionally, cooperation will be strengthened between India and the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC), which will have vital significance for India. The GCC is a union of six countries in the Gulf region — Saudi Arabia, the UAE, Qatar, Kuwait, Oman, and Bahrain. The council is the largest trading bloc for India.
Experts note that the Gulf region’s substantial oil and gas reserves are of immense importance for India’s energy security and its growing population’s demands. India’s economic ties with the GCC have been steadily increasing, especially due to the growth in oil imports.
On the other hand, India’s exports to the GCC have shown steady growth in recent times. India exports a wide range of products to the region, including food processing, jewellery, synthetic fibers, textiles, pharmaceuticals, and engineering goods, all offering substantial potential.
Further, in an effort to improve their trade relations, India and the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) have agreed to pursue a Free Trade Agreement (FTA) between the two regions. Negotiations are set to increase in the upcoming months.
Meanwhile, India has started important geo-economic outreach to the Gulf region, which includes facilitating financial connectivity, such as integrating India’s UPI system with the UAE’s JAYWAN card. The RuPay card is also being considered.
Investment opportunities from Sovereign Wealth Funds in Saudi Arabia, UAE, Qatar, and Kuwait are being closely observed from New Delhi. It is also a fact that the Gulf region forms an important cog in the world’s geo-economics, as it connects Europe to the markets in Asia and to the wider Indo-Pacific region.
Additionally, the GCC countries collectively host a large Indian expatriate community, facilitating cooperation in terms of trade and investment. Through collaborative initiatives in trade, investment, infrastructure development, open exchange of information, and people-to-people ties, this partnership not only bolsters economic growth within the region and India, but also contributes to a more stable and prosperous global economy.
India and the GCC also share a desire for political stability and security in the region, which may help India expand its outreach to other regions globally in terms of the economy. India recognizes that the Gulf region is one of the most volatile in Asia, where special focus is required if it is to strengthen its credentials as a stable economic partner.
Institutional exchanges between India and GCC countries began with the first-ever India-GCC Political Dialogue, held on the sidelines of the United Nations General Assembly on September 26, 2003. Both sides recognized the significance of this dialogue, which marked a new era in India-GCC relations at the start of this century.
Subsequently, India and the GCC signed a Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) on the Mechanisms of Consultations on September 10, 2022, during Indian Foreign Minister Dr. S. Jaishankar’s visit to Riyadh (September 10-12, 2022) to facilitate better trade. This was followed by the first India-GCC Senior Officials Meeting, held on March 20, 2023, in Riyadh.
The dialogue also highlighted emerging opportunities in education and connectivity, especially through the India-Middle East-Europe Economic Corridor, which presents significant potential for growth by linking energy-rich markets of Europe to Asia.
In 2024, the first-ever India–GCC Joint Ministerial Meeting for Strategic Dialogue was held on September 9, 2024, in Riyadh, emphasizing the importance of combining geo-economics with strategy.
The ministerial meeting also adopted a Joint Action Plan 2024-2028 for undertaking various joint activities in diverse areas, including health, trade, security, agriculture and food security, transportation, energy, culture, and others.
India’s outreach to the GCC was further strengthened when Indian External Affairs Minister Dr. S. Jaishankar visited Riyadh, Saudi Arabia, from September 8-9, 2024, to attend the first-ever India–GCC Joint Ministerial Meeting for Strategic Dialogue, which had important economic implications. This marked the inaugural meeting between India and the GCC at the Foreign Ministers level, attended by the Foreign Ministers of all GCC countries and Jasem Mohamed Albudaiwi, Secretary General of the GCC.
Dr. Jaishankar’s participation in the multilateral dialogue underscored a significant qualitative leap in bilateral and multilateral relations between India and the Arab Gulf states. The India–GCC Joint Ministerial meeting emphasized the growing economic partnership between India and the GCC, focusing on collaboration in economic trade, foreign investment, infrastructure development, and people-to-people ties.
The meeting envisaged the Joint Action Plan for 2024-2028, outlining various joint activities in sectors such as health, trade, security, agriculture, food security, transportation, energy, and culture. The scope of cooperation may expand further, subject to mutual consensus.
The Indian Foreign Minister also used the opportunity to hold several bilateral meetings with the Foreign Ministers of GCC countries. Jaishankar pointed out that the GCC is a “cornerstone of global energy supply” and called for deepening collaboration, which he said would help “stabilize markets, drive innovation, and enhance energy security.”
Following the Indian External Affairs Minister’s visit, the UAE reinforced its economic priorities with India, as Sheikh Khaled bin Mohamed bin Zayed Al Nahyan, Crown Prince of Abu Dhabi, visited India from September 9-10, 2024, at the invitation of Prime Minister Narendra Modi.
During his visit, he met with President Droupadi Murmu and Prime Minister Narendra Modi. Besides the political significance, the visit included participation in a business forum in Mumbai, strengthening economic ties between India and the UAE. Four significant agreements were signed between Indian and UAE entities in the energy sector.
As part of the state visit, a Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) on the operations and maintenance of the Barakah Nuclear Power Plant between Emirates Nuclear Energy Company (ENEC) and Nuclear Power Corporation of India Limited (NPCIL) was proposed.
In addition to multilateral cooperation, bilateral relations between India and the UAE have seen a notable upswing in recent years, with approximately 3.5 million Indians forming the largest expatriate group in the UAE. The two countries are among each other’s top trading partners, with bilateral trade reaching USD 85 billion in the 2022-23 financial year. India’s relations with the Arab Gulf countries are a vital pillar of its foreign policy, given the shared interests between the two sides, the presence of about 9 million Indian workers in the Gulf, and significant trade exchange. Security and strategic relations, as well as energy provision, remain crucial areas of collaboration.
As both India and the Gulf States look towards the future, there is growing anticipation of further deepening ties to advance economic cooperation, regional stability, and international security.
In conclusion, as India aspires to a better position as a global economic powerhouse, it will naturally look to the Gulf countries as part of its economic aspirations. In that context, as the GCC countries also recognize India’s emergence as one of the fastest-growing economies and a market for their exports, they will increasingly gravitate towards New Delhi. Therefore, India–GCC economic cooperation will translate into substantial geo-economic cooperation, which may strengthen existing political relations in the years to come.
[ The opinions expressed in this article are those of the author and do not reflect the views of COGGS. ]
India and GCC Deepen Economic and Strategic Ties Read Post »
Why BRICS, Global South need Angola?
[ The piece is syndicated from The Week, followed by Angolan President João Lourenço’s maiden visit to India. The title of the article differs from the article published in the Indian magazine. Author is a fellow and content editor at COGGS. ]
Ayanangsha Maitra
POWER MAY ONCE have been spilled from the barrel of a gun, but Angola is showing the energy-starved Global South that today, it flows from the barrel of crude oil. As Angolan President João Lourenço visited India on his maiden trip to India earlier this month (May 2-4), two nations from opposite ends of the world found themselves co-architects of a new multipolar order.
President Lourenço—a former freedom fighter who took up arms to liberate the motherland from Portuguese colonial rule—reached New Delhi at a time when both countries are pushing to reform global institutions and rebalance power dynamics. His visit is more than ceremonial; it signalled the elevation of India-Angola ties into a deep partnership grounded in energy, defence, technology, and developmental aspirations.
India is already one of Angola’s largest buyers of oil and gas. Now, the relationship is expanding far beyond hydrocarbons. Following bilateral talks, both countries committed to deep cooperation in digital public infrastructure, space technology, defence, diamond processing, healthcare, and critical minerals. India has offered a $200 million defence credit line to modernise Angola’s armed forces and will help train its military personnel.
Sitting on the southwestern coast of Africa, Angola is working to reduce its economic dependence on oil by attracting investments from China, the UAE, and Portugal, particularly in infrastructure, ports, railways, and energy. India, too, sees an opportunity: the potential introduction of Indian diesel locomotives and the expansion of Angola’s railways—especially into mineral-rich regions—could be transformative. As India’s Economic Envoy Dammu Ravi noted, “There is a possibility to introduce Indian diesel locomotives and also expand the railway network interior, north-south and east-west and leading into the areas of their minerals, which are very important for them in terms of logistics.”
Despite $4.2 billion in bilateral trade, Angola enjoys a major surplus. India imports around $3.5 billion—mostly oil—while exporting less than $700 million in goods such as medicines, meat, textiles, cotton, chemicals, leather items, tractors, and vehicles. Angola sends iron, copper, aluminium, and other minerals in return, apart from energy. Reducing this imbalance will require India to push for better market access and explore investment-led growth in Angola.
Angola is habitat to around 8,000 people of Indian origin and has recently implemented visa-free entry for Indian citizens to promote tourism and business. The historical links are not just symbolic. Goa and Angola, once colonies under Portuguese rule, share cultural resonances. Pandurang Shirodkar, the first speaker of the Goa legislative assembly and an early supporter of Angola’s independence, was imprisoned and deported to Angola by the colonial regime—an overlooked but powerful connection.
India inspired and supported Angola’s liberation movement, and post-independence, India backed the Popular Movement for the Liberation of Angola (MPLA). The two are vocal at the forums like Non-Alignment Movement.
Unlike India, Angola’s real soft power doesn’t lie in cultural exports like Bollywood or the Taj Mahal. Instead, it lies in Sonangol, its oil giant. Formed in 1976, the state-owned Sonangol is now Africa’s second-largest oil producer and one of its most diversified corporations, with stakes in telecoms, shipping, engineering, and even shipbuilding. The company’s PAENAL shipyard hosts Africa’s largest heavy-lifting crane—a symbol of Angola’s industrial ambition. India is already partnering on key infrastructure projects such as the Moçâmedes Railway and sees potential for deeper collaboration in satellite technology, where ISRO could play a future role. Angola currently works with Russia and France on space applications, but India’s affordable space programme offers an attractive alternative.
Angola also holds growing geopolitical relevance. As chair of the African Union—whose entry into the G20 was strongly backed by India—Luanda is poised to shape continental strategies. Its ties within the Community of Portuguese Language Countries (CPLP) also give it leverage in Latin America, especially Brazil. The cultural and strategic alignment with lusophone nations puts Angola at the crossroads of continents and makes a link between Latin America and Africa.
Moreover, Angola’s recent role as a mediator in the Rwanda- DR Congo peace talks and President Lourenço’s strong condemnation of the Pahalgam terror attack highlight its emergence as a responsible global actor. As Angola discovers new oil fields, India’s expertise in refining, transport, and energy infrastructure could play a vital role in translating resources into growth.
Angola’s participation in the India-led Coalition for Disaster Resilient Infrastructure, Big Cat Alliance and Global Biofuels Alliance would be a transformative episode. Yet the challenge remains: to ensure this relationship doesn’t plateau at trade. Without active investment, deeper cultural exchange, and expanded cooperation, passive trade imbalances could undercut long-term goodwill. This is the moment to build a robust, reciprocal trade partnership—one that connects Luanda and New Delhi, Mumbai, Bengaluru, Mysore, Calcutta and Goa not just through products, but through values, and opportunity. Angola’s position within BRICS—attending summits and maintaining separate ties with each of the BRICS nations—further cements its strategic weight. If BRICS expands further in Africa, Angola could become a cornerstone in fulfilling the energy and development needs of the Global South. Private companies from Russia and India should exercise a greater role to make the nation glitter, by penetrating into areas like agri-tech.
However, to address the persistent trade imbalance, India must seek greater market access in Angola and across the region. A passive trade dynamic risks undermining the healthy and warm relationships between the two aspiring global south powers.
Why BRICS, Global South need Angola? Read Post »
President Trump in Saudi, UAE, Qatar: What Gulf States Want from the US?
Ayanangsha Maitra
The US PRESIDENT, Donald Trump, will emplane for a three-nation state visit, with Saudi Arabia as the first stop on May 13 (Tuesday). The Republican President will then go to Qatar and the United Arab Emirates, two of the non-NATO yet prime security partners of the US. During his visit, which runs through May 16, various announcements, negotiations, and strategic decisions are expected. Whether Persian Gulf to be called by the same name – his visit will bring clarity.
Although the visit comes amid ongoing regional crises in Gaza and Iran, but the agendas will be on economic deals rather than immediate diplomatic breakthroughs. During President Trump’s Middle East visit, talks on Gaza, Ukraine, and Iran will be tabled. Meanwhile, Muscat has successfully concluded 4th round of informal talks between Tehran and Washington. The US could raise Oman Talks issue here too. During the middle-east visit, Trump’s agenda features major announcements in trade, oil, defense, nuclear energy, and technology, as Gulf leaders actively compete to secure American favour and future cooperation by offering substantial deals and investment commitments. In March, Trump said he would visit Saudi Arabia if it invests $1 trillion in the US. Saudi Arabia did not confirm this amount. But in January, the Kingdom said it would increase trade and investment with the US by $600 billion over four years. There could be more investment in coming years.
Gulf States want the US to confirm its security support for the region. Last year, the US and Saudi Arabia nearly finished a major defense and trade agreement. The talks stopped because Saudi Arabia wanted Israel to agree to a plan for Palestinian statehood. The Kingdom of Saudi wants US help to build a civil nuclear program. The talks are delayed because Saudi Arabia wants to enrich uranium in its own country. The US and Israel worry this could lead to nuclear weapons. Uranium can be used for weapons if enriched to high levels.
Saudi Arabia wants to depend less on oil. It still needs to sell oil at good prices to pay for this change. Price drops, US tariffs, and threats could make this harder. Trump wants oil prices to stay high. Saudi Arabia also wants high oil prices to help its economy grow.
Each Gulf nation is leveraging its financial power and personal ties with Trump to pledge multibillion-dollar investments in the U.S. economy, purchase American-made weaponry, and expand partnerships in advanced sectors, all aimed at strengthening their strategic alliance with Washington and maximizing their own national interests.
A stable Middle East is the need of the West as well as global south – not just the middle east. It helps lower migration, keeps energy markets steady, and limits the spread of extremist ideas. President Trump will be accompanied by a business delegation who will seize investment opportunities across sectors.
Education has been a key part of Saudi-US ties. The King Abdullah Scholarship Program has sent thousands of Saudi students to study in the United States. American students have also studied in Saudi Arabia through programs like the Fulbright exchange and partnerships with US universities. The US remains important for Saudi Arabia, especially in areas like energy transition, clean technology, and digital transformation.
Since 1974, six US presidents have visited Saudi Arabia. These visits show Saudi Arabia’s lasting role as a stabilizing force in a region often facing conflict. Presidential visits to Saudi Arabia are a tradition that began after the country was unified by King Abdulaziz Al-Saud in 1932. In 1945, President Franklin D. Roosevelt met King Abdulaziz after World War II, marking the start of close ties.
In 1957, King Saud became the first Saudi king to visit the US, meeting President Eisenhower. This visit focused on finding long-term solutions for the region and led to efforts to strengthen the Saudi military. King Faisal visited President Johnson in 1966 and President Nixon in 1971. In 1974, the US and Saudi Arabia created a joint economic commission to work together on industry, education, technology, and farming. In the same year, President Nixon reciprocated the visit to Saudi Arabia, forming the growing ties.
In 1982, Vice President George H. W. Bush visited Riyadh to offer condolences after King Khalid’s death, highlighting the personal side of the relationship. In 2002, the two countries started the Saudi-US Strategic Dialogue during King Abdullah’s visit to President George W. Bush in Texas, focusing on cooperation in counterterrorism, energy, education, and the economy. In 2012, the GCC-US Strategic Forum began, with Secretary of State Hillary Clinton attending the first meeting in Riyadh, raising the Gulf Cooperation Council’s role in US regional plans. In 2017, President Trump visited Riyadh, holding three major summits: the Arab Islamic American Summit, the US-Saudi Bilateral Summit, and the US-GCC Cooperation Council Summit.
UAE
The main objectives of President Donald Trump’s visit to the United Arab Emirates , in the second leg of middle east tour, is to secure major economic agreements and investments that align with his “America First” or Make America Great Again agenda. Trump aims to attract substantial new investments from the UAE and other Gulf states into the U.S. economy, particularly from sovereign wealth funds, to showcase job creation and bolster domestic manufacturing ahead of the 2026 election cycle. On the other hand, AI is one of the main trending issue between the two. The US and the United Arab Emirates are deepening their cooperation in artificial intelligence through major joint investments, technology partnerships, and government agreements-highlighted by multi-billion-dollar deals between Emirati firms like MGX and G42 and U.S. companies such as Microsoft, as well as ongoing efforts to develop shared principles and a government-to-government memorandum of understanding to ensure AI is used safely, securely, and for mutual economic growth.
In March, the UAE announced a $1.4 trillion investment plan over ten years. This money will go to oil, semiconductors, manufacturing, and energy. US investments already add up to $1 trillion, according to US officials.
Economic and Investment Deals: The UAE is expected to announce significant investment commitments, with reports suggesting pledges totaling up to $1.4 trillion over the next decade, focusing on sectors such as energy, technology, and defense.
Defense and Technology Agreements: The UAE, along with Saudi Arabia and Qatar, is likely to commit to major purchases of American defense systems and technology, supporting both U.S. industry and regional security.
Energy Cooperation: Discussions may include increasing oil supplies and potential relaxation of U.S. export controls on energy and technology, as well as nuclear energy cooperation.
Geopolitical Alignment: Trump is expected to press the UAE to align more closely with U.S. interests in its strategic competition with China and to support U.S. positions on regional conflicts, including those involving Iran and the Israel-Gaza situation.
The visit will be highly ceremonial, with the UAE aiming to demonstrate its importance as a U.S. partner and to maximize its own leverage in bilateral relations. The UAE, along with Saudi Arabia and Qatar, views Trump’s return to office as a “once-in-a-lifetime opportunity” to secure long-term economic and security advantages amid a prolonged trade war between US and China.
Qatar
Trump’s state visit to Qatar is seen as a “crescendo” in U.S.-Qatari relations, with both nations eager to showcase their partnership and announce new agreements across defense, trade, education, health, and technology. The Al Thanis have gifted President Trump a luxury Boeing 747-8 jet for temporary use as Air Force One -which is yet to be considered for acceptance.
Qatar’s diplomatic role in the region, its close ties with Syria’s leadership, and its emergence as a multinational business hub all position Doha as a critical player in Trump’s Middle East strategy. Needless to say, it’s Doha that played the most constructive role in the negotiation between the US and Taliban. Security is on the focus too. Qatar’s Al Udeid Air Base is the largest U.S. military installation in the Middle East.
President Trump’s whirlwind three-nation middle east tour spotlights fierce regional competition for the US favour, with Saudi Arabia, UAE, and Qatar leveraging mega-investments and defense deals to secure their strategic interests. As economic ambitions and security pledges dominate the agenda, Trump’s visit is bound to reshape alliances and recalibrate the balance of power in the Middle East region.
President Trump in Saudi, UAE, Qatar: What Gulf States Want from the US? Read Post »